Is America Polarized or Just Majority Fascist? 

This article has two aims: To engage in the question of whether America may not be ‘polarized’, as many have suggested, but rather, majority fascist, and to establish goals for a new category that goes beyond leftism or liberalism, which I am calling ‘the new minority’. We will also consider the role of empathy for the new minority in fighting against either polarization or majority facism.

In the chilling wake of this nightmare election, many of us are left releasing the held remnants of what we’d hoped might bring us together, closer to progress, to some moment of American coherence, of equality and flourishing. But, apparently, not enough of us.

Instead, the distance between us feels greater than before, the gulfs deeper. The chasm between our identities – identities that were never simply red or blue, left or right – feels unbridgeable. We are scattered into factions that seek wildly different visions of the same land, all of us holding an unbending defensiveness about who and what should have a place in the world we call home.

Since 2010, the use of the term polarization has surged. It sounds almost routine. But the ferocity in our discourse, our ways of seeing others as enemies, our complete inability to hear someone else’s truth, can’t just be explained away by saying that we’re two distant sides in a tone deaf debate. Polarization suggests two ideas held at a distance, a difference along a single spectrum. What we’re witnessing is something else, something internal: the triumph of ideology over flexibility, of conviction over compassion.

So, I think it’s worth asking ourselves at this juncture: is America polarized—or are we just majority fascist? Our perception of ourselves under these two paradigms may require a different approach to healing this clearly broken idea of democracy and representation. While many scholars, such as Audre Lorde, Chris Hedges, Sarah Posner, Anand Giridharadas, Robert P. Jones, and Andrew Sullivan help us see America’s strains of fascism in racial supremacy and policy, the less prominent idea that America is more fascist than we perceive, veering into ‘majority fascist’, is one that may need to be entertained. After years of political discourse favoring polarization as our nation’s truth, if we are instead ‘majority fascist’, it would warrant considering what strategically this might require.To make this suggestion that we are majority fascist, let’s begin with our history.

A Legacy of Certainty

America was born on the idea of certainties. The Puritans and early settlers didn’t come to negotiate with this land. They came to build their version of paradise, not through humility, but through the conviction that they alone knew best. In the 19th century, “Manifest destiny” was never about gentle expansion; it was conquest justified by scripture. To believe, as they did, that some lives mattered more than others was essential to establishing the structures we grapple with today and our military/economic role on the world-stage. So when we wonder why “polarization” in America feels particularly unmovable, it’s because we are still contending with that first wave of fascism, dressed up as patriotism and traditionalism.

Puritans

This old ideology has been repackaged in modern terms, but we must question if its essence has truly changed when we look at the beliefs that guide our current political landscape. When we unpack all of the rhetoric and look at today’s landscape, it seems clear that what divides us is not two conflicting points of view but an entrenched way of thinking that brooks no opposition. Here’s what we see:

Five Fascist American Beliefs Today, that Must Give Us Pause

  1. Religion Over Law
    In the U.S., Christian conservatism has not only survived but thrived as a framework for laws governing our bodies, our families, our schools. The way that courts decide certain beliefs are “above” the law, mirror systems in Saudi Arabia and Iran, where religious authority trumps personal autonomy. For instance, the Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. case allowed closely held corporations to be exempt from providing contraceptive coverage under the Affordable Care Act due to religious objections by the owners, or Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru , where the Supreme Court ruled that religious schools could not be sued for firing teachers, as their roles included religious instruction. Our rhetoric may be more polished, but the result is the same: some freedoms become privileges reserved for those who fit a narrow religious mold.
  2. Control Over Women’s Bodies
    Rights over reproductive health are eroding in many conservative states in a way that’s chillingly familiar. Like the constraints placed on women in Afghanistan or Sudan, we are seeing American policies crafted not to protect but to control. Fascism of any kind sees autonomy as a threat to order. And so, bit by bit, we retreat from the principle that a person’s body is their own.
  3. Intolerance of Queer and Minority Identities
    LGBTQ+ rights and minority protections are being actively rolled back. Laws crafted to limit the visibility and freedom of queer individuals are strikingly reminiscent of Russia’s laws that criminalize “gay propaganda.” It’s not a debate, it’s a systematic erasure – a way to write people out of the public narrative if they don’t align with a certain version of America.
  4. Nationalism as Cultural Identity
    Fascist societies thrive on a fixed idea of what the “real” citizen looks like and believes. The way some Americans embrace a fervent nationalism is not so different from Israel’s justification of extreme mass violence, or Turkey’s pursuit of ethnic homogeneity or India’s struggles with religious and ethnic purity. The message here, as there, is clear: loyalty to one identity. Those who do not belong — immigrants, dissenters — are threats to the core.
  5. Science as the Enemy
    In fascist societies, secular science is often seen as a gateway to dissent. In the U.S., the same holds. Climate change is disputed, evolution is sidelined, and alternative education is fought for with zeal. The push to avoid the “corruption” of secularism mirrors countries where science is treated as dangerous, a threat to the status quo.

If We Are Majority Fascist…

People walking with American Flag

If we are polarized, we can aim to find common ground. However, if we have been and continue to be in the grip of fascism, regardless of slow improvements, we must recognize that aiming to achieve depolarization may not be enough. If this is America’s reality, then our strategy for change may need to shift, because deliberative democracy as a tool to depolarize becomes less useful when this isn’t about reason, but a place to put emotional frustration.

If this is about majority fascism, then you could have given a crystal ball to Trump voters that showed Harris producing far better outcomes in four years than Trump. These outcomes could have clearly benefited their own personal, economic, health, and social lives: and the majority still would have voted for Donald, even if they fully believed he would make their lives worse than Kamala.

In a majority fascist paradigm, Democrats who bet on the American people to listen to reason will continue to lose. Reason is not what our current national level of education is able to process against the backdrop of a generation’s misplaced frustration. What is behind the frustration, the anger, the sense of being reduced, taken advantage of, and not seen? The tools do not exist to consider choices with the intellectual humility and emotional education that underpin reason. Democrats thought such voters cared about topics, but the danger that we did not put into words quickly enough, was that frustration, misogyny, and fury do not always look like anger on people’s faces. They look like pride, patriotism, and apathetic pushback. The modal norm or hidden belief beneath these topics is not about the concept of abortion, or immigration. It’s what these topics emotionally represent: a sectarian comradery of anger from those who do not even see themselves as angry. In other words, a revenge to belong (again).

As social scientist Dr. Sa-Kiera Hudson might say, schadenfreude, or the pleasure derived from another’s misfortune, is as socially impactful an emotion as empathy, because it too plays a crucial role in intensifying intergroup conflicts, especially in “us versus them” situations. This is especially emergent under competitive and divisive social conditions in which groups are in conflict or feel threatened by each other.

In other words, when revenge carries a dagger, the conversation about the economy becomes banal to obscurity. For Democrats to have championed an agenda that the working class would have listened to, they needed to better emotionally mirror the pent up quality of vengeance that a majority of Americans are grappling with. They needed to reflect the anger of the bottom 50% of wage earners who over the last 50 years have a net wage growth of $3 in the face of evermore unaffordable healthcare, housing, groceries, and childcare. Generations of prolonged frustration is where history shows racism ever repeating.

If “majority fascist,” we may have to accept a bigger truth that the biggest topic on the agenda is going to be – pessimistically – meeting us in our emotional stuntedness or – optimistically – in our ever-growing emotional intelligence, albeit in infancy. Reporter Nina Martin, who has followed Harris for over 20 years, affirms that possessing and communicating with empathy has been her most throughgoing trait. That’s also what the new minority witnessed in her campaign. The irony of this trait failing is that it might have been the best solution we could have asked for if polarized, but if fascist, then her train of empathy may be solving a problem we weren’t mature enough to have.

Tomorrow’s Role of Emotional Intelligence, Education and Empathy

When exit polls show that the majority of voters in swing states under age 45 would have given Harris the popular vote, it stares us in the face that the need to advance our emotional education is the greatest meta-challenge of our time. If we place a lack of emotional education at the core of the American tragedy, we can collaborate to make the advancement of emotional intelligence the salve. This might enable the new minority of non-fascists in power to actually treat fascist struggles that are not only or even primarily political but deeply psychological. Politics likes talking about both sides needing empathy, but in the 2024 election it was not democrat or republican, but the level of emotional education where we stood divided.

To be clear, I say emotional education and not just education because when college graduates already voted majority non-fascist, this was not enough. Also, in looking at a half century of academic advancement, there’s no doubt progress has been made. Our academically focused education system has swelled, equipping more people with information, degrees, and critical thinking skills. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, we’ve gone from ~55% of Americans age 25 obtaining a highschool diploma in 1979 to ~90% today. Yet the impact of these outcomes has increased our emotional intelligence to a far lesser degree. It does not adequately heal our fears and give us the national patience to improve social and economic equality as we hoped we might back when Obama was first elected.

classroom

Simply put, what needs to be created within the standardization of our education system, is a significant and geographically wide enough growth in emotional education to counteract the economic frustrations that will not be resolved in one presidential term, and ensure that these frustrations to not lead us to vent them by making poorer leadership decisions. This election has shown us that the capacity to understand, process, and empathize with others’ experiences remains absent in most families, schools, and communities. Without it, the human brain and collective rhetoric will continue to cling to black-and-white thinking, seeing difference as a threat. A lack of emotional education that drives a fascist mindset, one in which any challenge to one’s worldview feels not just uncomfortable but intolerable.

Without the ability to process emotions, develop empathy, and handle ambiguity, we cannot break out of the fascist mindset. This ability to speak with emotional intelligence that the losing side of this election displayed. This is not just a luxury. It’s essential to our change.

Forget about our leaders for a moment. When the people in your community lack it, they cling to certainties and cannot tolerate differences. This is why we are where we are today – not because we are hateful, but because we lack knowledge. Remember that the electoral college was invented in part because the founders of the American experiment realized that a lack of informed national communication meant that someone in eg. South Carolina could not be expected to be knowledgeable about and vote on the beliefs of anonymous candidates running in Virginia. Technology has brought us the national news, but not the emotional education to have the ability to hear facts as facts and knowledge as power.

…What Now?

Here’s where politicians would say we need to begin, but I’d argue that very few of us in our broken democracy are capable of feeling or having much agency in these suggestions.

If you are someone with political agency, then this is a time to –

‘Help Build Coalitions’, by amplifying voices that fascism has silenced or marginalized. It is more important than ever that we must empower those who speak for LGBTQ+ rights, women’s autonomy, science, immigrants, and religious pluralism. A lone voice is easily dismissed; a coalition can create unstoppable momentum.

‘Start Local, then Going Statewide’ because federal laws will be slow to change, so those with political agency must focus on building progressive protections locally and at the state level. Let cities and states be examples for the country, enacting policies that demonstrate what a pluralistic society looks like in practice.

What Now, for Most of Us?

Here are the three things that I believe not only outspoken changemakers, but truly each one of us as non-fascist individuals can do every day to increase a sense of cultural growth and increasingly live in a world we can get behind. I also think these three essential actions are necessary if we are to use emotional education to significantly move away from the psychological, social and emotional contagion that fascism embodies.

Heart in a book

Each one of us in our choice-making can:

  1. Champion Pluralism as Essential to Democracy
    Fascism relies on conformity; true democracy thrives in diversity. Promote and protect individuals and spaces at your jobs, in your family dialogues, and with your neighbors where different beliefs, identities, and values are not only accepted but celebrated. Remember that the ripple effect of acknowledging a pluralism of stories that make up the life experience to be valid – even when opinions differ – is key to improving the American experiment. This is a value you can own and make actionable. It’s in your power to take time to be curious about people’s stories. Your curiosity is not your consent. It is your bravery to allow someone you do not agree with, to feel heard. It is your bravery to share the story that has brought you to your own truth.

    Practicing curiosity sounds abstract until you go out into the world and realize that nearly every interchange with another person has the potential to be dry and straightforward, or imbued with curiosity.

    Those who see themselves as very liberal must learn this well and see that our collective future will never be if their outspoken viewpoints alienate the middle of the bell-curve. It is in this great middle where the non-fascist majority is waiting to move forward together.

  2. Reclaim Emotional Education and Emotional Granularity in your Sphere of Influence
    Fascist mindsets spread where people lack emotional awareness. Practicing emotional intelligence is a team sport, and its result can be contagious and quicken a community’s growth. You hold the power to stay aware of what drives your emotions. Learning to distinguish between feelings (like “disappointed” versus “hurt”, “angry” versus “ashamed”) can help us and our communities express emotions more accurately and process them better.
    A great example where this can be activated is in our discussion of those in the public eye. We also need to learn to discuss people in the spotlight with whom we have a parasocial relationship, with much greater emotional granularity. The liberal left tends to castigate figures in the public eye who falter in their values. In a time where cancel-culture is removing some of the potential allies that would be part of the non-fascists community, we can instead learn to engage in dialogues where we describe the failings of public figures in a way that retains their humanity.

  3. Invest in Radical Empathy Beyond Politics
    Fascism feeds on fear and insularity. We must educate not through facts alone but through the appreciation of shared experience. In this case, I am defining empathy as the ability to acknowledge others’ experiences to be as valid as our own. In doing so, we may also acknowledge our own experiences to be as valid as others. Doing this repeatedly is what trains the empathy muscle.
    Empathy can do what data cannot: it opens people up to understand the lives of those they’ve been taught to fear. Doing so also keeps the door open to the idea that we are two polarized halves, and provides the opportunity to fight fascism while healing polarization through bridged divides.

If you think America’s path forward is murky, you know you’re not alone. But the strategies we adopt today will shape not only this generation but the generations that follow.

History tends to decide these matters after it is too late. So although we may argue that we cannot be sure, if the US is composed of a majority of fascists, then we have the kind of hard work ahead that has no single solution. But we can each decide to move forward now and tomorrow, by building on pluralism, emotional education, and a renewed empathy for what it truly means to be the many differences that true freedom ought to be based on. We can practice being emotionally educated every day, and in the face of pessimism, may serve us to better cope with what seems like a dismal road ahead.

American flag, torn

At Empathable, we continually try to uphold and practice the belief that empathy is the cornerstone of any meaningful change and our pathway to an evolved social future. And perhaps that is where the journey away from fascism begins — with the willingness to see each other, fully and without fear, and to build bridges where once there were only walls.

I’ll leave you with one final thought. It feels as if we cannot change our nation today, but if you’re reading this, you’re probably part of the great minority. By this, I don’t mean the minority of those who are marginalized, or a minority of race, gender, or sexual orientation. I mean the great minority who believe that we are better than the fascist ideals that the majority of America has voted for. I believe we need to identify with the great minority of non-fascists.

For this new minority to ever become a majority, we will need more than ever to help emotionally educate ourselves to see the greater us. This goes for me, you, and all of those who are almost ready to be the non-fascist change that they want to believe in.

This way, even in loss, there is growth and hope. In her concession speech, Harris said, ‘To the young people out there, it is okay to feel sad and disappointed.’ This is not only a consoling message, but a step forward in emotional education.

Red and blue shoes

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